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MFAN Statement: President Obama’s FY13 Budget Reaffirms Importance of Foreign Assistance Reform

Tuesday, February 14th, 2012
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February 14, 2011 (WASHINGTON) This statement is delivered on behalf of the Modernizing Foreign Assistance Network (MFAN) by Co-Chairs David Beckmann and George Ingram:

President Obama’s FY13 budget request for international affairs manages to hits three critically important notes against a challenging geopolitical and economic backdrop:

  • Funding: It maintains and in some places provides new funding for development and diplomacy programs that are taking on increased importance in post-conflict areas and other hotspots (e.g. the post-Arab Spring Middle East, Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan), while also providing the resources necessary to protect the last decade’s unprecedented gains against poverty and disease in developing countries.
  • Reform: It focuses on the importance of making U.S. foreign assistance more effective and accountable by: Calling for continued support of reform-oriented Presidential initiatives (i.e. Feed the Future, Global Health Initiative); Highlighting programs like the Partnership for Growth, a unique and potentially powerful new effort to drive broad-based economic growth through better coordination of U.S. agencies in recipient countries; and, Ensuring the continuation of reform and innovation initiatives underway that will strengthen the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), including USAID FORWARD, with its focus on procurement reform, and Development Innovation Ventures (DIV), which provides incubation support for promising new approaches to development around the world. These reforms are maintained, in part, by providing funding for the agency’s critical operating expense (OE) account. The Administration also rightly calls for the establishment of a “Working Capital Fund,” which would be used to cover the costs of implementing cross-agency reforms.
  • Prioritization: It reflects a strategic shifting of resources away from places (e.g. Europe, Asia) where assistance is no longer as critical, while also making very difficult choices to reduce money in accounts where increasing efficiencies and burden sharing with partners and recipient countries can bolster the impact of every dollar spent. We look forward to hearing more about how the Administration will maintain the effectiveness of these programs even with declining resources.

While no budget is perfect, we believe the President’s FY13 international affairs request is balanced and constructive. Most importantly, it seems to us to be a reaffirmation of the Administration’s focus on reforming U.S. foreign assistance. We remain committed to working with both the Administration and Congress to see that these reforms have lasting impact.

 

What should we expect from the President’s 2013 assistance budget?

Thursday, February 9th, 2012
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See below for a guest post from MFAN Principals John Norris, executive director of the Center for American Progress’ Sustainable Security and Peacebuilding initiative,  and Connie Veillette, director of the Center for Global Development’s Rethinking U.S. Foreign Assistance initiative.

It would be a mistake to think that the budget crisis has passed for America’s foreign assistance programs and institutions. Although the 2012 international affairs budget dodged the proverbial bullet, and the president’s 2013 budget request will likely be reasonably robust, this is all something of a mirage. The administration appears eager to keep its powder dry in advance of what will eventually be a high stakes showdown over sequestration at the end of the year, after considerable election-year dust has settled. The administration does not want to put significant assistance cuts or USAID Mission closures on the table now and give up that advantage later.

It is a reasonable negotiating strategy, although it may prove to be a poor management decision. Looking at our relative fiscal health as a country, it seems almost inescapable that eventually there will be steep cuts in our foreign affairs spending as part of some grand bargain (however begrudging) that includes both spending cuts and revenue increases. We will likely see few signs of this in the President’s budget request, which will  read very much as a status quo request where we see shifts in emphasis, but no dramatic headlines. For those of us who care about effective assistance programs and the health of the U.S. economy, this amounts to whistling past the graveyard and hoping for the best.

For those who care about selectivity and focus in our aid programs, the budget will likely be something of a disappointment. Officials at USAID have argued, including in this blog post, that they are being more selective and catalytic in their approach to assistance. These are important but insufficient steps. USAID continues to be spread too thinly across too many countries and over-represented in places like Latin America and Eastern Europe that should be on a faster track for graduation. USAID can only take a share of the blame for the slowness in adapting to new realities. Both Congress and the State Department have been slow to assent to USAID pulling up stakes in Latin America, and no ambassador ever likes to lose a USAID Mission under his or her general command.

These arguments may have been fairly esoteric during periods when the U.S. assistance budget was flush in the post-9/11 period. But if the administration is not more aggressive about putting money into fewer places where development is more likely to succeed in the immediate term, it could be left to deal with some wrenching and very disruptive changes when a top-line budget agreement is finally brokered.

As Connie noted in this recent post, U.S. economic assistance, including the major health, development, and humanitarian response accounts, goes to 102 countries.  One country – Afghanistan – accounts for about 10% of the total.  The top 15 recipients account for 40% of the total, leaving about $12 billion to be distributed to 88 countries. Very small sums are allocated for countries like Belize ($20,000) and Micronesia ($490,000), which begs the question of whether it costs more to administer the funds than the value of aid provided. Ambassadors argue that such aid buys political influence, but one is only left to wonder what exactly we as a country get from Micronesia on the political front that would not lead to the conclusion that this money is better spent on development programs that have a chance of securing real and lasting development progress in a higher priority country.

From all indications, we will see a real push in the budget to provide more support for the Arab Springcountries. How exactly this effort will be affected by the Egyptian government’s hidebound determination to shoot itself in the foot and prosecute American democracy activists remains to be seen. But if we are to glean any lessons from the disastrous assistance programs in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan over the last decade, it is that money should follow reform, not the other way around.

This is the year in which, more than any in recent memory, the wisdom behind our assistance will be judged most harshly.  The President’s budget should reflect an understanding that Congress will be scrutinizing aid partners, goals, and effectiveness, and that anything that doesn’t pass muster could drag the best of these programs down.

 

Shah Elaborates on Transparency at Brookings Event

Friday, February 3rd, 2012
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On January 19, Brookings hosted USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah and other leading voices in development for a discussion on transparency in U.S. foreign assistance. Panelists included: MFAN Co-Chair George Ingram; Karin Christiansen, director, Publish What You Fund; and Daniel Kaufmann, senior fellow, Brookings. MFAN Principal Noam Unger, fellow and policy director of the Foreign Assistance Reform Project at Brookings, moderated the discussion.

In his keynote speech, Shah emphasized the Administration’s commitment to transparency in foreign assistance programs, but pointed to a few areas for improvement. Emphasizing the importance of sharing new insights on aid with the rest of the word, Shah ultimately believes that all information on aid should be utilized by the broadest community possible. As a global leader, he asserted, the U.S. will go beyond the standards on aid transparency already in place. He said:

“In Paris and Accra, I think the United States was widely seen as, if we’re being honest, dragging our feet on transparency. Our goal going in to Busan was to lead, and of course when you get to a certain place after decades of continual process, you can’t flip the switch right away. But the commitments the President, the secretary, myself and others in the development landscape in our government have made is unwavering, and we will not only meet these international standards but we will, over time, put forth some of these new tools like the geospatial mapping that will really empower people in a fundamentally different way to play with data, connect with development challenges, meet and be introduced to institutions that are conducting projects and programs on the ground, and see the impact of that work.”

Shah added that USAID Forward—the agency’s effort to reform the way USAID does business by building new partnerships, with an “emphasis on innovation and a relentless focus on results”—will play a big role in implementing the Administration’s transparency agenda. Shah concluded his speech explaining that we should invest in local institutions and build local capacity in countries—setting in place tools to measure and track what people are doing with our investments—to help achieve the overall goal of our foreign assistance: self-sufficiency.

Christiansen was the first panelist to speak, giving a brief overview of Publish What You Fund’s first-ever aid transparency index and how the U.S. ranked across its various agencies; the index measured transparency across 58 international donors and organizations. She then described the process that PWYF followed—a set of 37 indicators—to measure the transparency of each agency, noting three major findings. The first is that, across the board, most information is not systematically published. Second, while information is being produced, it is not accessible or readily made available. Christiansen noted that basic information like project timelines are often not released and, even more frequently, information is scattered across websites that make it difficult to gather and analyze. The last major finding dealt with overall performance—some big donors performed well and others performed badly. Christiansen remarked that an agency’s ranking in the index was not necessarily tied to how long that agency has existed; she cited Estonia as an example of a small state that performed well on the index. On a related note, they also found significant variation among how agencies performed within the U.S.

The second panelist, Ingram, shared a broader view on U.S. development policy. He spoke to the policymaking process and the importance of transparency in that process. He also laid out the key elements to good government that transparency is responsible for, including accountability, ownership, good policies, and protection against corruption. He reinforced that these elements are not easily achievable and that they are accompanied by hurdles which include culture of control, time, public disclosure and indecision. Ingram then pointed to the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) as a great example of transparency in government. He said, “The MCC started with a mandate of transparency that was built into its DNA. What is the result? For me, the important result is that transparency has been an antidote for the MCC.”

Lastly, Kauffmann identified elements the U.S. government can focus on to support transparency and encourage development. He identified four key points to support his message. First, aid transparency matters and is imperative, particularly from a beneficiary standpoint. Second, the index matters—it must be taken seriously because eventually transparency will be ingrained in policies. Third, countries abroad rely on U.S. leadership on transparency. He elaborated on this point, saying “So the question of leadership and credibility abroad is crucial, particularly on the issues of foreign aid and we think that the issue of transparency, obviously, is clear.” Last, Kauffmann argued that the U.S. must follow through on adopting the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) because we cannot continue to preach good governance and transparency to countries unless we ourselves are credible on the issue of transparency.

Watch a video of Shah’s speech below.

MFAN Statement: Agency Consolidation Must Be Done Carefully

Tuesday, January 17th, 2012
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January 13, 2011 (WASHINGTON)This statement is delivered on behalf of the Modernizing Foreign Assistance Network (MFAN) by Co-Chairs David Beckmann, George Ingram and Jim Kolbe:

The Obama Administration’s efforts to consolidate U.S. Government trade agencies into a more streamlined, efficient single entity are commendable. The goal of consolidation should be to increase coherence, effectiveness and accountability, and we have long argued that similar activities could strengthen the U.S. development system.

But any actions of this type must be done carefully and deliberately, and we are concerned that elements of the trade agency consolidation plan may hinder progress towards these goals. Two of the agencies in the plan – the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and the U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA) – are explicitly committed to advancing economic development and opportunity in emerging economies, as a way of promoting U.S. foreign policy. In contrast, the mission of larger agencies such as the United States Trade Representative (USTR) and the Department of Commerce are to promote exports from the United States, to open markets overseas, to negotiate trade agreements and to enforce existing trade laws and regulations.

We believe it is critical that agencies involved in consolidation share fundamental missions. Taking this into account, it would be more appropriate for OPIC and USTDA to be included in a discussion of reorganizing and consolidating the development system, within which their unique expertise as facilitators with the U.S. private sector is enormously important to the future of our global engagement. We hope to have the opportunity to work with the Administration and Congress on these important issues.

 

InterAction Releases Paper Exploring Country Ownership

Thursday, January 12th, 2012
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Identified as a key principle of effective development, country ownership has become an ever-present part of the foreign assistance reform debate. While the Obama administration has embraced country ownership in the Presidential Policy Directive on Global Development (PPD) and other executive initiatives, it remains unclear how to put this principle into practice on the ground. On December 15th, MFAN Partner InterAction released a paper titled “Country Ownership: Moving from Rhetoric to Action,” which aims to address the wide range of explanations and varying methods of promotion that have led to the issue’s unorganized discussions and approaches. Country ownership is defined by the InterAction Aid Effectiveness Working Group as “The full and effective participation of a country’s population via legislative bodies, civil society, the private sector, and local, regional and national government in conceptualizing, implementing, monitoring and evaluating development policies, programs and processes.” InterAction gathered a number of the top development practitioners to produce a list of recommendations for the U.S. government on how to define its core elements, which include:

  • Develop a clear definition and operational guidelines for inclusive ownership.
  • Create a transparent, consistent plan to ensure civil society engagement in consultations.
  • Expand the State Department’s diplomatic support for an enabling environment for civil society organizations.
  • Initiate a policy dialogue with U.S. NGOs on country ownership.
  • Ensure transparency of all U.S. foreign assistance by publishing aid data to the Foreign Assistance Dashboard.

InterAction believes that by coming to a consensus on what country ownership means, how it is achieved and how it can be measured will vastly increase local ownership of development programs in countries. To achieve this goal, InterAction suggests the administration first and foremost set a common definition: “As the fundamental foundation for effective and sustainable long-term development, the U.S. should move from rhetoric to practice and establish a common and inclusive definition of country ownership, supported by guidelines and criteria to implement and track its progress.”

Download a PDF of the full report here.